Pete Buttigieg is the mayor of South Bend, Indiana, winning election in 2011 and 2015. He announced he was running for president of the United States on January 23, 2019.
Buttigieg was also a 2017 candidate for chair of the Democratic National Committee (DNC). He announced his candidacy for DNC chair on January 5, 2017. Buttigieg withdrew his candidacy prior to the first round of voting at the DNC meeting on February 25, 2017.
Buttigieg is the president of the Indiana Urban Mayors Caucus.
Buttigieg was born in South Bend, Indiana, in 1982. He earned a bachelor's degree in history and literature from Harvard University. He also studied philosophy, politics, and economics at Oxford University as a Rhodes scholar.
From 2007 to 2010, Buttigieg worked as a consultant for McKinsey & Company, specializing in economic development, business, logistics, and energy initiatives for government and private sector clients. Before his own bids for public office, Buttigieg worked for the campaigns of presidential candidate John Kerry (2004) as a research director and Indiana gubernatorial candidate Jill Long Thompson (2008) as an advisor. He became a lieutenant in the U.S. Navy Reserve in 2009.
Buttigieg ran for treasurer of Indiana as a Democrat in 2010, losing in the general election to Richard Mourdock (R). The following year, he won the South Bend mayoral election with 74% of the vote. At the age of 29, he was the youngest mayor of a city with more than 100,000 residents. In 2014, he took a leave of absence as mayor and completed a seven-month tour of duty in Afghanistan, earning the Joint Service Commendation Medal for his contributions to counterterrorism. In 2015, during his re-election campaign, Buttigieg came out as gay in a column in a local paper. He was re-elected mayor in 2015 with 80% of the vote.
Buttigieg was a candidate for chair of the Democratic National Committee in 2017 but withdrew his candidacy before a vote was held. He is the president of the Indiana Urban Mayors Caucus. He also serves on the boards of directors of the Indiana Association of Cities and Towns and the Truman National Security Project.
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An election for president of the United States will be held on November 3, 2020. Buttigieg announced he was running for president on January 23, 2019.
The more than 400 members of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) selected a new chair to succeed interim Chairwoman Donna Brazile in February 2017. Buttigieg announced his candidacy for the position on January 5, 2017.
"I can’t think of something more meaningful than organizing the opposition in the face of what I think will be a pretty monstrous presidency and challenging time out here in the states,” Buttigieg told The New York Times. "Sitting back and waiting for the map and demographics to save us—that’s not going to be enough.”
Buttigieg withdrew his candidacy prior to the first round of voting at the DNC meeting on February 25, 2017. Former U.S. Secretary of Labor Tom Perez was elected DNC chairman on the second round of voting with 235 votes.
Buttigieg won re-election as mayor of South Bend, Indiana.
Buttigieg was elected mayor of South Bend, Indiana, in 2011 and assumed office on January 1, 2012. At the age of 29, he was the youngest mayor of a city with more than 100,000 residents in the nation.
Buttigieg was a Democratic candidate for Indiana treasurer in 2010, but he lost in the general election to former State Treasurer Richard Mourdock (R).
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For them, it is over. Amy Klobuchar and Pete Buttigieg suspended their campaigns, packed their things late Monday, and prepared to end their feud. The also-ran candidates’ bickering stopped in Dallas where they endorsed fellow moderate Joe Biden for president. And that hasty peace is the latest evidence of an emerging binary choice in the Democratic primary: Bernie Sanders is the man to beat while Joe Biden is quickly becoming the establishment horse to back as voters in 14 states cast their Super Tuesday votes. Buttigieg went first. “I’m delighted to endorse and support Joe Biden,” the former mayor of South Bend, Ind., told a small crowd at an appearance outside a Dallas restaurant Monday evening. “He is somebody of such extraordinary grace and kindness and empathy.” Klobuchar went next. "He can bring our country together and build that coalition of that fired-up Democratic base as well as independents as well as moderate Republicans. Because we do not, in our party, want to eke by with a victory. We want to win big," the Minnesota senator said at a Biden rally Monday night. The two failed contenders didn’t share the same stage, but together they stirred up a whole lot of emotions -- some more positive than others. Biden and his supporters were already ecstatic after dominating the South Carolina primary. The endorsements, then, were icing on the cake. “The consolidation is clearly happening,” Matt Bennett, president of the centrist group Third Way, told RealClearPolitics. “It'll be complete on Wednesday, one way or the other.” After Super Tuesday, he predicted that either Mike Bloomberg or Biden will emerge as the moderate foil to the extremism of Sanders: “There will only be one.” Things could be over as soon as they begin for the former New York City mayor, who skipped the four early contests to spend time and money blitzing Super Tuesday states. For a while, that looked like a wise bet as Biden imploded in Iowa and New Hampshire. After South Carolina, not so much. “The plan was to win big tomorrow,” a senior Bloomberg aide told RCP on Monday. “If that happens, then it’s going according to plan. If not...” Looking from the outside in, Republican operatives were having flashbacks to 2016. A populist named Donald Trump was running for president, and rather than take him seriously, the establishment candidates crowded each other out until it was too late. “It’s not apple to apples,” Tim Miller said in comparing the 2020 Democratic primary to the previous Republican one. He was the spokesman for Jeb Bush last time around, the once mighty Florida governor and presumed establishment champion. But Bush dropped out after a disappointing showing in South Carolina and the other candidates, Sens. Ted Cruz of Texas and Marco Rubio of Florida, refused to make peace to oppose the upstart front-runner Trump. Klobuchar and Buttigieg are not so hard-headed. Miller said that by walking away before Super Tuesday, the two moderates have given Biden “a realistic path toward the nomination.” He added, however, that these endorsements “were necessary, but not sufficient, for stopping Sanders.” It is possible, the former GOP flack said, “that a consolidation might not matter because, in the end, voters might be for Sanders.” But consolidation does have two immediate and undeniable effects, observers from across the spectrum say. First, it gave Biden the spotlight 24 hours before voters cast their ballots. Second, and perhaps more critically, it signals to donors that that there is no longer an embargo on Joe, that they can give freely and generously to his campaign. And the former vice president needs the money if he wants to survive over the long haul. He told CNN’s Jake Tapper on Sunday that he had raised $18 million in February, $5 million “during the victory in South Carolina.” It was an impressive total, but one dwarfed by Sanders, who raised $46.5 million in the same period. This is why Biden needs the checkbooks of Buttigieg and Klobuchar donors. The Sanders camp knows as much, and these new developments aren’t going over well. “A brokered convention is a gift to Donald Trump,” Nomiki Konst, a national Sanders surrogate, told RCP. By staying in the contest, she asserted, Biden is needlessly extending the race to sabotage the insurgent front-runner. “Joe Biden, right now, is a mercenary for Donald Trump,” Konst said. And that makes Buttigieg and Klobuchar “Biden mercenaries.” “Maybe we should be asking why the Democratic Party is allowing this to happen,” Konst added, “and if their intention is really to win the election.” Those in the establishment wing insist it’s not just about unseating the president. It’s also about keeping the party from going off the deep end philosophically and politically. “On the meta-level, there's a choice between Democrats who believe in capitalism and then the democratic socialist who doesn't. That's a very fundamental question,” Bennett said. Sanders has been so eager to push the policy envelope that he risks losing large swaths of voters, he continued. “Are we going to propose to people that we spend $33 trillion, take away health care coverage of 180 million people, and upend the system?” he asked. “Or are we going to propose that we perfect the thing that we started with the ACA? That's the choice.” The left and the center-left and the right seem to agree on one thing: their opposition to Bloomberg. The Sanders campaign has long attacked him over his billions, while the Biden campaign seems annoyed that someone else would present himself as yet another establishment alternative. “Mike Bloomberg,” Miller argued, was essentially “running Bernie Sanders’ super PAC.” Every vote and each delegate that Bloomberg wins, he continued, is a voter or delegate out of reach for Biden. “He is just helping Bernie Sanders get closer to the plurality that he needs to be the nominee,” Miller added. “I think it's very strange to spend three-quarters of a billion dollars to help democratic socialism take over your party.”Source: https://www.realclearpolitics.com/
BREAK IN TRANSCRIPT CHUCK TODD: And joining me now from Americus, Georgia, is former South Bend mayor, and presidential candidate, Pete Buttigieg. Mayor Pete, welcome back to Meet the Press. PETE BUTTIGIEG: Thank you. Good to be back with you. CHUCK TODD: So let's -- I assume you don't want to sugar coat things. You spent the second or third most amount of time in South Carolina. You put every effort that you could into this state. It's not like you glossed over it. I assume you're disappointed in your finish. Where does this -- where do you think your campaign stands now? PETE BUTTIGIEG: Well, you know, every day I get up and look at how we can do our part to make sure we defeat Donald Trump, and that continues to be my focus. We knew South Carolina was going to be a challenging state. We competed hard there, but nothing can take away from Vice President Biden's commanding victory, and I congratulate him on that. I think the most important thing right now is to look at what we can do to make sure that we put forward a campaign that is going to end the Trump presidency because everywhere I go, Americans are focused on ensuring that we not only get better policies, that we turn the page on all of the things that this president is doing and has done to our country, to our democracy, but also that we turn the page on the tone in our politics and that we move on from this divisive and toxic season in American public life. And that continues to be my focus, as it has every day since the campaign began. CHUCK TODD: You know, the Venn diagram of presidential messaging, of what you just said right now, and Vice President Biden's victory speech last night, there would have been a lot of overlap there. Joe Biden makes almost the same case you're making now of what the nominee of the Democrats needs to be, the focus on Donald Trump. At what point do you have to look at that and say, "Huh, we both have the same message. He's winning"? PETE BUTTIGIEG: Well, there's certainly that overlap there. We also, obviously, represent a different style and approach in many ways. But what I'll say is that call to decency, I think, is something that is very strong in our party right now. And it's what we need in our country right now. We cannot go on like this with a politics of being at each other's throats. And part of how I believe our campaign has been able to beat the odds and defy all of the expectations is that our message of belonging is one that has resonated across the country and that is reaching people in so many different ways. CHUCK TODD: You had said that you thought voters of color were giving you a second look. The exit poll shows, shows a pretty tough number here, 3 percent of the African American vote according to these exit polls here. This is after a second look. The nominee of the Democratic Party has to be able to win -- has to be able to have a strong coalition of African American voters, Latino voters. This has been a struggle for you both in Nevada and South Carolina. PETE BUTTIGIEG: Well, again, there's no question that the Vice President had a commanding lead with black voters in South Carolina. And that bar of earning the trust of voters of color right now, that bar is high for a reason, especially when you're talking about black voters in the south. That is a hard-won vote that was brought about -- often that access was brought about within living memory. I understand why that bar is so high. I'm humbled by the challenge and have continued to focus on making sure I present not just our policy ideas, but what this campaign is about in a way that can reach out to black voters and to voters across the board. CHUCK TODD:You ran for DNC chair a couple of years ago. Had you succeeded, you'd be the chair of the Democratic Party right now. What do you believe Chairman Buttigieg would be saying to candidate Buttigieg in this situation? You have said Bernie Sanders is a very polarizing figure. You think that is not the direction the party ought to go. At what point would Chairman Buttigieg say to candidate Buttigieg, "Do what's best for the party"? PETE BUTTIGIEG: Well, look, every day I'm getting up, looking at how we can do what's best for the party. It's why we got into this race in the first place, the belief that a different kind of message and a different kind of messenger could rally people together, could forge new alliances, could help us reach out in the very places where we have the best messaging, yet found ourselves defeated by President Trump in 2016 and cannot let that happen again. And every day we're in this campaign is a day that we've reached the conclusion that pushing forward is the best thing that we can do for the country and for the party. CHUCK TODD: How should we judge success for you on Tuesday? Your campaign hasn't pointed to a state you're going to win. You've talked about it being a delegate strategy, and that is what it's about. It's about getting delegates. But tell me where you're going to get these delegates. PETE BUTTIGIEG: Well, we believe that there are places from coast to coast, in districts across different states, where our message is resonating particularly well. We'll be looking at the math as we continue to push and make the most of the resources that we have. And I think what matters most right now is calling Americans to that vision of what it could be like in this country if we could turn the page on the toxic and divided character of our politics right now. Look, there is already an American majority that agrees with us, that agrees with our party on the need to raise wages and empower workers and do something about climate and act on gun violence. You wouldn't always know it from looking at the outcomes in Washington, but right now the American people are already with us. What's going to be needed is a message, a messenger, and the leadership to make sure that those priorities are met. And I find that true in the reddest of states and on the coast as well. CHUCK TODD:Is there a result on Super Tuesday for you that would change your outlook on your campaign? You know, if you don't keep up the delegates -- PETE BUTTIGIEG: Every single day, yes, we do a lot of math on this campaign. And so we'll be assessing at every turn not only what the right answer is for the campaign, but making sure that every step we take is in the best interest of the party and that goal of making sure we defeat Donald Trump because our country can't take four more years of this. CHUCK TODD: All right. Mayor Pete Buttigieg, in Americus, Georgia. I know you're going to be spending the morning with the Carters. So, thanks for coming on and sharing your views and be safe on the campaign trail. When we come back, Joe Biden has about 48 hours to make this a one-on-one race with Bernie Sanders. Can he do it? The panel is next. And later, how prepared is the Trump administration to deal with the coronavirus? My interview with Vice President Mike Pence. BREAK IN TRANSCRIPT
CHARLESTON, S.C. -- One night after a dinner noted for its decorum and Southern civility, the 2020 Democratic presidential candidates eagerly savaged one another, seeking advantage just four days before the pivotal South Carolina primary. All of the candidates on the debate stage Tuesday night hold positions at least as progressive as the last Democratic president’s. The overarching narrative, then, tumbled into arguments about electability and effectiveness. CBS moderators asked Bernie Sanders, the current front-runner, how he planned to pay for $50 trillion in proposed new spending, including an estimated $30 trillion for “Medicare for All.” Could he do the math on stage? “How many hours do you have?” he shot back. “That’s the problem,” Joe Biden interrupted. Annoyed by the former vice president’s snarky aside, the self-described democratic socialist asserted that people’s overall health care outlays would go down as government spending goes up. “What we need to do,” Sanders said, “is to do what every other major country on Earth does: guarantee health care to all people, not have thousands of separate insurance plans." He barely got this answer out before Amy Klobuchar interrupted. Not only would his spending dwarf the American economy, the Minnesota senator complained, Sanders was out of step with what voters want. All of it, she continued, would amount to “a bunch of broken promises that sound good on bumper stickers.” Sanders tried shouting a rebuttal as Pete Buttigieg started talking over him. When the moderators finally quieted the cross-talk, the former South Bend, Ind., mayor had calculated the political cost to Democrats: “It adds up to four more years of Donald Trump, Kevin McCarthy as speaker of the House, and the inability to get the Senate into Democratic hands.” Sanders was hardly the innocent victim of this sort of exchange. He got the first question: How could he convince voters to turn away from President Trump when the economy is doing so well? The Vermont senator turned his answer into an attack on the former mayor of New York, a deep-pocketed latecomer to the race: “Well, you're right. The economy is doing really great for people like Mr. Bloomberg and other billionaires.” Bloomberg responded in kind, saying Russian President Vladimir Putin wants Trump to remain in the White House, which is “why Russia is helping you get elected, so you will lose to him.” It was a reference to unsubstantiated reports that Russia is backing the new front-runner with a disinformation campaign, and Sanders countered by citing Bloomberg’s past praise of the leader of communist China: “I'm not a good friend of President Xi of China. I think President Xi is an authoritarian leader.” The dueling references to foreign tyrants was unusual at a debate that was supposed to focus on kitchen table issues. Biden holds an eight-percentage-point lead in South Carolina and has long insisted that he would succeed in a more diverse state that better reflects the makeup of the country. But he was left sputtering as moderators failed to stifle all the shouting. “I guess the only way to do this is to jump in and speak twice as long as you should,” he said with exasperation when other candidates kept talking over the allotted 90-second limit. “I know you cut me off all the time, but I’m not going to be quiet anymore, OK?” he complained when a moderator tried to cut another answer short. "Why am I stopping? No one else stops," he later sighed. Biden has the most to lose in South Carolina after finishing fourth in Iowa, fifth in New Hampshire and second in Nevada. He has built a last-ditch firewall in the Southern state. To preserve it, he invoked the name of his old boss to attack Sanders, noting how Sanders had mulled a 2012 primary challenge against Barack Obama. Being a true progressive doesn’t mean passing purity tests, he said. “Progressive is getting things done,” Biden argued, “and that's what we got done. We got a lot done.” Critiques such as this one weren’t uttered only by moderates. Elizabeth Warren and Sanders share a similar policy portfolio, she noted, “but I think I would make a better president than Bernie” because “getting a progressive agenda enacted is going to be really hard, and it's going to take someone who digs into the details to make it happen.” No one accused Bloomberg of not getting things done. It was what the former mayor has done that drew his competitors’ criticism. They accused him of enforcing racist stop-and-frisk policies as mayor and of forcing female former employees to sign non-disclosure agreements in settling complaints about inappropriate comments he allegedly made. When Warren leveled that last charge, the billionaire objected. He had already released three women from those contracts, and besides she was just “relitigating” an old issue. At this, Buttigieg jumped in: “And if you get nominated, we'll be re-litigating this all year.” The barbs and counter-barbs and counter-counter-barbs went on and on. Should Sanders become the nominee, Trump will use the standard-bearer’s far-left ideology as a cudgel against him, billionaire philanthropist Tom Steyer said. He previewed the president’s attack, starting politely enough by praising the front-runner for identifying many of the problems facing the country. “The difference is,” Steyer continued, “I don't like his solutions. I don't believe that a government takeover of large parts of the economy makes any sense for working people or for families.” This criticism was tamely expressed compared to the attacks Sanders received over his recent comments about Cuba, in particular his praise of Fidel Castro’s “literacy programs.” Yes, Sanders replied, he had trumpeted such social initiatives advanced by the late dictator. No, the senator continued, he had not endorsed the authoritarianism that accompanied them. But again, this was too much for Buttigieg: Democrats would fail, he said, if they must champion a nominee who encouraged the public to “look at the bright side of the Castro regime.” “I’m not looking forward to a scenario where it comes down to Trump, with nostalgia for the social order of the 1950s, and Sanders, with nostalgia for the revolutionary politics of the 1960s,” he continued. There were other arguments, most of them accompanied by raised voices. It was a noisy and final debate before the last dance ahead of not just the Palmetto State’s primary but Super Tuesday. Some were surprised by the tumult, including Steyer, who told RealClearPolitics that “the debate got a little away from the moderators from time to time, for sure.” Others were more than disappointed, including a senior South Carolina Democratic official. “The staff of these candidates are performing political malpractice,” the official said on condition of anonymity. “This was an opportunity to connect with the folks of South Carolina — to share the stories and heartaches, the dreams and pains of the people they have met over the past year.” “They all failed miserably,” the official concluded. South Carolina votes on Saturday.Source: https://www.realclearpolitics.com/
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