By John Cornyn WASHINGTON--In advance of the Senate vote on Democrats' partisan "COVID relief" bill, U.S. Senator John Cornyn (R-TX) authored the following op-ed in the Fort Worth Star-Telegram highlighting all the non-COVID related items on the Democrats' wish list they included in the bill: Billions States Don't Need, Lush Leave for Fed Workers: Dems' COVID Relief is a MessSenator John CornynFort Worth Star-TelegramMarch 3, 2021https://www.star-telegram.com/opinion/opn-columns-blogs/other-voices/article249646403.html Funding for "climate justice." A bailout for mismanaged union pension plans. A new subway system for Silicon Valley. These are just a few of the ways Democrats plan to spend your tax dollars in their $1.9 trillion "COVID relief bill." Unlike any of the five relief packages signed into law last year, this bill has the support of only one party. It's easy to see why. In addition to these ridiculous pet projects, this bill contains a long list of wasteful, counterproductive and partisan policies that fail to address the crisis at hand. Let's start with education. Since the pandemic hit, Congress has provided more than $100 billion for schools -- more than half of which remains unspent. Texas schools have used federal funding to update air filtration systems, purchase protective equipment and implement regular disinfecting so kids can safely return to the classroom. After all, the science is clear -- if appropriate precautions are taken, it's safe for schools to reopen. In December, the CDC estimated schools nationwide would need about $22 billion to reopen safely, so we are in a strong position to keep kids healthy and get them back on track. Despite that, Democrats want another $130 billion for education, with no requirement that the funding even be used to get kids back in the classroom. The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimates that, since so much money remains from the last relief bill, only 5% of the new money would flow to schools this fiscal year. The vast majority of funding would be spent between 2022 and 2028, when COVID-19 is behind us. Then, there's the windfall for state and local governments. At the start of the pandemic, Congress established a $150 billion relief fund to help such governments cover pandemic-related expenses as they lost tax revenues. By the end of 2020, the deadline to spend these funds, states were still sitting on billions of dollars. We're moving in the right direction -- tax revenues are rebounding, unemployment is declining and consumer spending is rising. According to the budget office, the U.S. economy "is projected to return to its prepandemic level in mid-2021" even without additional federal aid. It's tough to reconcile that forecast with Democrats' push to hand an additional $350 billion to state and local governments. The ridiculous spending doesn't stop there. This bill would also create an exclusive paid leave fund for federal employees. If their children aren't physically in school full-time because of the pandemic, a parent could take home up to $1,400 a week in paid leave -- that's nearly triple the maximum unemployment benefit in Texas. Democrats also attempted to more than double the minimum wage to $15 an hour in this COVID relief bill, only to have the Senate parliamentarian -- its referee on rules -- reject it. At a time when Texas' small businesses are already struggling, Democrats want to impose even more job-killing mandates and put at least 1.4 million Americans out of work. For the Biden administration to place such an emphasis on working together, trusting the science and unifying our country, it's hard to believe this bill is its first legislative push. And Democrats are using the "budget reconciliation process" to bypass the normal route for legislation, which was used for each of the previous relief bills, so they can pass this bill without the support of a single Republican. This $1.9 trillion bill is not a response to the pandemic -- it's a Trojan horse for liberal priorities. Now is not the time to break the perfect record of overwhelmingly bipartisan COVID relief packages and ignore the recommendations of experts. President Barack Obama's former chief of staff Rahm Emanuel once said: "You never want a serious crisis to go to waste. And what I mean by that is an opportunity to do things that you think you could not do before." At least Democrats are heeding someone's advice.

By Senator John Cornyn Russia's nuclear capabilities have caused grave concern to every American president dating back to Harry Truman. Over the past several decades, various treaties -- some more effective than others -- have sought to restrict the size of our respective nuclear arsenals and limit the expansion of the arms race. The New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) is the only surviving bilateral arms control treaty with Russia, and it's set to expire in a matter of days. Last fall, the Trump administration advocated for a one-year extension of New START with the condition that both countries would cap nuclear warheads during that period. Unsurprisingly, Russia preferred a clean five-year extension. Russian President Vladimir Putin delayed the final stages of talks in hopes that a potential Biden administration would strike a deal more favorable to Russia. It appears Putin hedged his bets correctly. Following a call between President Biden and Putin, the White House announced that the U.S. and Russia are set to extend New START for five years with no conditions attached. Put simply, the Biden administration is only rewarding Russia for its hostile actions against the U.S. and our allies. From the beginning, New START was deeply flawed. The treaty limits the number of bombers each nation can possess, but places no limit on the number of warheads each bomber can support. Making matters worse, the limits only apply to strategic -- not tactical -- weapons. Russia has taken advantage of this loophole, amassing some 2,000 tactical nuclear weapons compared with the United States' 500. Russia's nuclear doctrine signals its growing willingness to use tactical nuclear weapons in a conflict, and Putin will undoubtedly use the next five years under New START to cement Russia's advantage over the U.S. Once that happens, the likelihood of Russia deploying and ultimately using these weapons will be even higher. Of course, the challenges posed by Russia extend beyond a numbers game. Experience has proven that Russia isn't one to play by the rules. Last fall, the Kremlin attempted to poison Putin opponent Aleksey Navalny. Russia has launched massive cyberattacks against private companies and government agencies alike -- the latest being the SolarWinds Hack. And last year, it attempted to steal coronavirus vaccine data from the U.S. and some of our closest allies. In short, Russia doesn't like to play by the rules, and New START does little to prevent further cheating. As unreliable and untrustworthy as Russia is, the risks it poses pale in comparison to those of the biggest nuclear X factor -- China. China argues that its nuclear force is small and poses no threat to the global order, but the thick cloak of secrecy surrounding the Chinese Communist Party makes it nearly impossible to verify information about its nuclear capabilities. China is estimated to have about 300 nuclear weapons, which is not an insignificant threat, nor is China's pursuit of a "nuclear triad." In May 2019, then-Director for the Defense Intelligence Agency Robert Ashley estimated China will at least double the size of its nuclear stockpile over the next decade. The five nuclear states recognized by the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) are the U.S., Russia, United Kingdom, France and China. As part of New START, the U.S. conducts regular inspections of Russian sites. And both France and the U.K. provide regular data on the size and makeup of their nuclear arsenals, with approximately 290 and 215 nuclear weapons, respectively. If the estimate of China's nuclear capabilities is correct, China is the third most powerful nuclear state in the world, and there are virtually no measures in place to hold it accountable. A clean extension of New START leaves in place a framework in which the Chinese are absent, the Russians cheat, and the United States is left abiding by the rules of a foregone era. The U.S. must pursue a more comprehensive approach to arms reduction that includes bringing China to the table. Rather than enter a five-year extension of New START, the administration should invite the five nuclear states to the negotiating table and use its leverage to get Beijing to agree to multilateral talks aimed at limiting the growth of nuclear arsenals globally. A multilateral treaty is the only practical solution to the modern nuclear threat landscape. Together, the global nuclear powers must take action to prevent China's arsenal from growing even further, and ensure each of these countries is abiding by its commitment, made by 189 states that are party to the NPT, to achieve nuclear disarmament. President Biden has a critical decision to make, but certainly not a difficult one. Will he maintain the Cold War-era approach to nuclear disarmament? Or will he address new security challenges through a comprehensive approach to modern security challenges? This is not the time to enter a costly arms race, or relinquish our negotiating leverage. American leadership has never been more important.

6,108. That's the number of untested rape kits in Texas, according to the Texas Department of Public Safety, and more than 1,000 of them sit on lab shelves in Dallas. Each kit holds unique DNA evidence that could help put a rapist behind bars and provide closure for survivors. But every day that a kit doesn't get tested, that evidence goes nowhere, and victims go another day without justice. The rape kits collecting dust in Texas labs represent unidentified criminals that could be named and prosecuted, even halting repeat rapists. Each of these kits tells a horrific story, and the longer it sits idle on a shelf, that story worsens. To better understand the burden rape victims carry, I visited The Gatehouse in Grapevine, a living community for women fleeing many types of crises, including rape and sexual assault. I toured the facility and learned from its leadership and law enforcement about local issues of sexual violence and how seeking justice can play an important role in a survivor's recovery. Without question, the memories that have most stayed with me from that day are the stories two brave North Texas rape survivors shared with me there. One of those survivors is Lavinia Masters. At 13 years old, Masters was brutally raped at knifepoint in her own home. What's worse, the evidence that could have put her attacker in jail within days was left untouched for more than 20 years, allowing the serial rapist to abuse even more women. By the time authorities found a DNA match, the statute of limitations on her case had expired and she couldn't seek justice. Her attacker roamed free. It's the kind of story that makes your blood boil, and unfortunately, it's all too common. Throughout my time in the U.S. Senate, I've fought to deliver justice for survivors and ensure the system doesn't fail more courageous people as it did Masters. I'm proud to say three laws I've authored for this purpose are already working to eliminate Texas' rape kit backlog. Before we can eliminate a backlog, we need to have a good understanding of how big it is. That's why I led the Sexual Assault Forensic Evidence Reporting Act, or SAFER Act, which has enabled state and local entities to take stock of their rape kit backlogs. The SAFER Act increased by 35% the federal resources that state and local law enforcement agencies may use to audit their rape kit backlogs. The results are staggering: SAFER grants have uncovered tens of thousands of untested kits -- including kits in Texas -- that could now help to pull a criminal off the streets. Then you need the resources to start testing the evidence lining lab shelves. That's where the Debbie Smith Act comes in. Like Texas' Lavinia Masters Act, this legislation is named for another courageous survivor, and it provides federal funds to state and local law enforcement agencies to complete forensic analyses of crime scenes and untested rape kits. Just last year, this brought $6.9 million to Texas for rape kit testing, and $1.4 million for North Texas alone. The final, critical step is justice, putting attackers behind bars and providing closure for survivors. The Justice Served Act provides federal resources to prosecutors across the country for crimes solved by DNA testing. The system failed Masters and too many survivors like her, and I'm proud to have led these bills which have helped Texas reduce its rape kit backlog by 80% in just eight years. But Masters' story may be familiar to you, too. Or perhaps you know another one of the 6,108 Texas survivors whose DNA kit currently sits on a shelf. We know those kits hold more than DNA. They bottle up the victim's uncertainty, anguish and fear until a match allows him or her to seek justice. As long as rape kits sit untested, authorities are failing the victims and communities we've sworn to protect. It's up to us to ensure the justice system works for everyone. And at the federal level, I'll use every tool in my box to empower Texas law enforcement to test every single one of the 6,108 rape kits left.