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Elizabeth Warren

D

Twitter Followers: 5.3M

Won the General, 2012 Massachusetts U.S. Senate

Vice Chair, Democratic Conference, United States Senate (2017 - Present)

Massachusetts U.S. Senate, Sr (2013 - Present)

Quick Facts
Personal Details

Elizabeth Warren (Democratic Party) is a member of the U.S. Senate from Massachusetts. She assumed office on January 3, 2013. Her current term ends on January 3, 2025.

Warren (Democratic Party) ran for election for President of the United States.

Warren focused her campaign on economic issues, including proposing a wealth tax on the wealthiest 75,000 families to partially fund universal childcare, student loan debt relief, the Green New Deal, and Medicare for All. She ended her presidential campaign on March 5, 2020.

Warren's professional experience includes time in both the government and academic sectors. Prior to serving in the U.S. Senate, Warren helped establish the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau under the Obama administration. She also served as the chair of the Congressional Oversight Panel for the Troubled Asset Relief Program from 2008 to 2010.

Warren worked as a law professor for three decades at several universities, including the University of Pennsylvania and Harvard University.

Based on analysis of multiple outside rankings, Warren is an average Democratic member of Congress, meaning she will vote with the Democratic Party on the majority of bills.

Warren was born in 1949 and grew up in Oklahoma. She graduated from high school at age 16 and earned a bachelor's in speech pathology in 1970 from the University of Houston. She earned her J.D. from Rutgers Law School at Newark. Warren taught at the University of Houston, the University of Texas at Austin, University of Pennsylvania, and Harvard University. Warren also authored 11 books about the economy, the middle class, and personal finance.

In the mid-1990s, Warren served on the National Bankruptcy Review Commission. In 1996, she changed her affiliation from Republican to Democratic.

In 2008, she was appointed by then-Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D) to serve as the chair of the Congressional Oversight Panel, created during the economic recession to oversee the Treasury and evaluate market transparency. Warren left the role in 2010 to serve as a special adviser at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau under the Obama administration.

Warren won the 2012 U.S. Senate election in Massachusetts with 53 percent of the vote, defeating incumbent Scott Brown (R). She was the first woman to be elected to the U.S. Senate representing Massachusetts.

Below is an abbreviated outline of Warren's academic, professional, and political career:

  • 2012-Present: U.S. Senator from Massachusetts
  • 2010-2011: Special assistant to President Barack Obama for the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau
  • 2008-2010: Chair, Congressional Oversight Panel for the Troubled Asset Relief Program
  • 1978-2012: Law professor at:
    • 1995-2012: Harvard University
    • 1987-1995: University of Pennsylvania
    • 1983-1987: University of Texas at Austin
    • 1978-1983: University of Houston
  • 1976: Graduated from Rutgers University at Newark with a Juris Doctor
  • 1970: Graduated from the University of Houston with a B.A.
  • 1966-1968: Attended George Washington University

Prior to entering politics, Warren was an elementary school teacher, lawyer, law professor, and bankruptcy analyst.

Education

  • JD, Rutgers University School of Law, 1976
  • BS, Speech Pathology and Audiology, University of Houston, 1970
  • Attended, George Washington University, 1966-1968

Professional Experience

  • JD, Rutgers University School of Law, 1976
  • BS, Speech Pathology and Audiology, University of Houston, 1970
  • Attended, George Washington University, 1966-1968
  • Founder, Consumer Financial Protection Bureau
  • Law Professor, Harvard University, 1992-2011
  • Assistant, President of the Treasury on the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), 2010-2011
  • Special Advisor, Secretary of the Treasury on the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), 2010-2011
  • Law Professor, University of Pennsylvania, 1987-1995
  • Research Associate, Population Research Center, The University of Texas at Austin, 1983-1987
  • Law Professor/Law Fellow, University of Texas at Austin, 1981-1987
  • Visiting Law Professor, University of Michigan, 1985
  • Law Professor/Associate Dean for Academic Affairs, University of Houston, 1978-1983
  • Lecturer in Law, Rutgers School of Law, 1977-1978

Political Experience

  • JD, Rutgers University School of Law, 1976
  • BS, Speech Pathology and Audiology, University of Houston, 1970
  • Attended, George Washington University, 1966-1968
  • Founder, Consumer Financial Protection Bureau
  • Law Professor, Harvard University, 1992-2011
  • Assistant, President of the Treasury on the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), 2010-2011
  • Special Advisor, Secretary of the Treasury on the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), 2010-2011
  • Law Professor, University of Pennsylvania, 1987-1995
  • Research Associate, Population Research Center, The University of Texas at Austin, 1983-1987
  • Law Professor/Law Fellow, University of Texas at Austin, 1981-1987
  • Visiting Law Professor, University of Michigan, 1985
  • Law Professor/Associate Dean for Academic Affairs, University of Houston, 1978-1983
  • Lecturer in Law, Rutgers School of Law, 1977-1978
  • Vice Chair of Conference, Democratic Leadership, United States Senate, 2017-present
  • Senator, United States Senate, Massachusetts, 2013-present
  • Candidate, President of the United States of America, 2020
  • Candidate, United States Senate, Massachusetts, 2012, 2018

Former Committees/Caucuses

Former Member, Economic Policy Subcommittee, United States Senate

Former Member, Energy and Natural Resources Committee, United States Senate

Former Member, Subcommittee on Energy, United States Senate

Former Member, Subcommittee on National Parks, United States Senate

Former Member, Subcommittee on Public Lands, Forests, and Mining, United States Senate

Current Legislative Committees

Member, Armed Services

Member, Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs

Member, Health, Education, Labor and Pensions

Member, Special Committee on Aging

Member, Subcommittee on Airland

Member, Subcommittee on Employment and Workplace Safety

Ranking Member, Subcommittee on Financial Institutions and Consumer Protection

Member, Subcommittee on Housing, Transportation, and Community Development

Member, Subcommittee on Personnel

Member, Subcommittee on Primary Health and Retirement Security

Member, Subcommittee on Securities, Insurance, and Investment

Member, Subcommittee on Strategic Forces

Religious, Civic, and other Memberships

  • JD, Rutgers University School of Law, 1976
  • BS, Speech Pathology and Audiology, University of Houston, 1970
  • Attended, George Washington University, 1966-1968
  • Founder, Consumer Financial Protection Bureau
  • Law Professor, Harvard University, 1992-2011
  • Assistant, President of the Treasury on the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), 2010-2011
  • Special Advisor, Secretary of the Treasury on the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), 2010-2011
  • Law Professor, University of Pennsylvania, 1987-1995
  • Research Associate, Population Research Center, The University of Texas at Austin, 1983-1987
  • Law Professor/Law Fellow, University of Texas at Austin, 1981-1987
  • Visiting Law Professor, University of Michigan, 1985
  • Law Professor/Associate Dean for Academic Affairs, University of Houston, 1978-1983
  • Lecturer in Law, Rutgers School of Law, 1977-1978
  • Vice Chair of Conference, Democratic Leadership, United States Senate, 2017-present
  • Senator, United States Senate, Massachusetts, 2013-present
  • Candidate, President of the United States of America, 2020
  • Candidate, United States Senate, Massachusetts, 2012, 2018
  • Member, Commission on Economic Inclusion, Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC)
  • Proposal Reviewer, National Science Foundation
  • Member, Research Advisory Board, Community Affairs, Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
  • Chair, Congressional Oversight Panel, Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP), 2008-2010
  • Vice President/Executive Committee Member/Nominating Committee Member, Council of the American Law Institute, 1995-2005
  • Member, Executive Committee, National Bankruptcy Conference, 1993-1995, 2002-2005
  • United States Adviser, Transnational Insolvency Project, American Law Institute, 1995-2004
  • Member, Federal Judicial Center Committee on Judicial Education, 1990-1999
  • Chief Adviser, National Bankruptcy Review Commission, 1995-1997
  • Member, Board of Trustees, American Bankruptcy Board of Certification, 1992-1996
  • Advisor, German Government Task Force on Bankruptcy Reform, 1993
  • Member, Board of Editors, American Bankruptcy Law Journal, 1989-1992
  • Secretary/Steering Committee Member, Eastern District of Pennsylvania Bankruptcy Conference, 1990-1992
  • Member, Professional Development Committee, American Association of Law Schools, 1988-1991
  • Member, Planning Committee, Association of American Law Schools Conference on Teaching Contract Law, 1989
  • Charter Member, Board of Directors, Texas State Bar Advisory Commission on Legal Specialization, 1986-1987
  • Chair, Association of American Law School Commercial Law Workshop, 1984
  • Chair, Commercial and Related Consumer Law Section, Association of American Law Schools, 1983-1984

Other Info

— Awards:

  • Bostonian of the Year, the Boston Globe, 2009
  • Most Influential Lawyers of the Decade, National Law Journal
  • One of the 100 most influential people in the world, TIME Magazine (2)
  • Lelia J. Robinson Award, Massachusetts Women's Bar Association
  • Sacks-Freund Award, Harvard Law School (2)

  • Three

  • Golden Retriever, Bailey

— Publications:

  • "A Fighting Chance"
  • "The Two-Income Trap: Why Middle-Class Parents Are (Still) Going Broke"
  • "All Your Worth: The Ultimate Lifetime Money Plan"
  • "This Fight Is Our Fight: The Battle to Save America's Middle Class"

Warren in the news

July 6, 2019: Warren spoke at the Essence Festival in New Orleans, Louisiana.

July 5, 2019: Warren was among the 10 candidates who spoke at the Strong Public Schools Presidential Forum in Texas. Also that day, Warren wrote an op-ed in Essence and a Medium post introducing her plan to achieve pay equality for women of color. Her proposal focused on companies that contract with the federal government.

July 2, 2019: Warren opened a campaign office in Sioux City, Iowa. The Warren campaign had offices in seven other cities in the state at the time. Also that day, Warren campaigned in Las Vegas.

July 1, 2019: Vogue featured five of the six women running for president, including Warren, in a magazine story about the election. Also that day, Warren sent a letter to former FDA commissioner Scott Gottlieb, who left the agency in April, calling on him to resign from his new position on Pfizer's board.

June 29, 2019: Warren spoke at the Rainbow PUSH Convention in Chicago. Warren discussed her faith. Other participating candidates included Joe Biden, Bill de Blasio, and Pete Buttigieg.

Congress Bills
Elections

2020

Presidency

An election for president of the United States will be held on November 3, 2020. Warren announced she was running for president on February 9, 2019. She ended her presidential campaign on March 5, 2020.

2018

General election
General election for U.S. Senate Massachusetts

Incumbent Elizabeth Warren defeated Geoff Diehl and Shiva Ayyadurai in the general election for U.S. Senate Massachusetts on November 6, 2018.

Elizabeth Warren (D)
60.3%
1,633,371 Votes

Geoff Diehl (R)
36.2%
979,210 Votes

Shiva Ayyadurai (Independent)
3.4%
91,710 Votes
Other/Write-in votes
0.1%
2,799 Votes

Total votes: 2,707,090
(100.00% precincts reporting)

Democratic election
Democratic primary for U.S. Senate Massachusetts

Incumbent Elizabeth Warren advanced from the Democratic primary for U.S. Senate Massachusetts on September 4, 2018.

Elizabeth Warren
100.0%
591,038 Votes

Total votes: 591,038

Republican election
Republican primary for U.S. Senate Massachusetts

Geoff Diehl defeated John Kingston and Beth Lindstrom in the Republican primary for U.S. Senate Massachusetts on September 4, 2018.

Geoff Diehl
55.3%
144,043 Votes

John Kingston
26.7%
69,636 Votes

Beth Lindstrom
17.9%
46,693 Votes

Total votes: 260,372


2016

Presidency

Warren was a potential candidate for the office of President of the United States in 2016. After a lengthy November 2013 profile of Warren in The New Republic, rumors of a possible 2016 run began heating up. Despite Warren having been among a group of female Senate Democrats who wrote a letter to Hillary Clinton urging her to run, a former Warren aide said, "If Hillary or the man on the moon is not representing her stuff, and her people don’t have a seat at table, she’ll do what she can to make sure it’s represented. ...Yeah, Hillary is running. And she’ll probably win. But Elizabeth doesn’t care about winning. She doesn’t care whose turn it is."

Sixteen senators have been elected to the presidency, including President Barack Obama (D).

2012

Warren ran in the 2012 election for the U.S. Senate, representing Massachusetts. She ran unopposed on the Democratic ticket. The signature filing deadline for candidates was June 5, 2012. She defeated incumbent Scott Brown, who was seeking re-election on the Republican ticket. The general election took place on November 6, 2012.

U.S. Senate, Massachusetts General Election, 2012

Party Candidate Vote % Votes
Democratic Green check mark transparent.pngElizabeth Warren 53.3% 1,696,346
Republican Scott Brown Incumbent 45.8% 1,458,048
N/A All Others 0.1% 2,159
N/A Blank Votes 0.9% 27,643
Total Votes 3,184,196
Source: Massachusetts Secretary of State "Return of Votes"
Policy Positions

2020

Abortion

Do you generally support pro-choice or pro-life legislation?
- Pro-choice

Budget

1. In order to balance the budget, do you support an income tax increase on any tax bracket?
- Yes

2. Do you support expanding federal funding to support entitlement programs such as Social Security and Medicare?
- Yes

Education

Do you support requiring states to adopt federal education standards?
- Yes

Energy & Environment

1. Do you support the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions?
- Yes

2. Do you support government funding for the development of renewable energy (e.g. solar, wind, geo-thermal)?
- Yes

Guns

Do you generally support gun-control legislation?
- Yes

Health Care

Do you support repealing the 2010 Affordable Care Act ("Obamacare")?
- No

Campaign Finance

Do you support the regulation of indirect campaign contributions from corporations and unions?
- Yes

Economy

1. Do you support federal spending as a means of promoting economic growth?
- Yes

2. Do you support lowering corporate taxes as a means of promoting economic growth?
- No

Immigration

1. Do you support the construction of a wall along the Mexican border?
- No

2. Do you support requiring immigrants who are unlawfully present to return to their country of origin before they are eligible for citizenship?
- No

National Security

1. Should the United States use military force to prevent governments hostile to the U.S. from possessing a weapon of mass destruction (for example: nuclear, biological, chemical)?
- No

2. Do you support reducing military intervention in Middle East conflicts?
- Yes

Trade

1. Do you generally support removing barriers to international trade (for example: tariffs, quotas, etc.)?
- No

Defense

Do you support increasing defense spending?
- No

2019

Afghanistan

Would you commit to the full withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan by the end of your first term, or would you require certain conditions be met before doing so?

- We have been in Afghanistan for 18 years with increasingly diminishing returns to our own security -- we’ve “turned the corner” so many times it seems we’re now going in circles. Expecting a military victory when a political settlement is required is unfair to our military, and unfair to the Afghan people. It's long past time to bring our troops home, and I would begin to do so immediately. 

Ending U.S. military operations doesn't mean we are abandoning Afghanistan. Redirecting just a small fraction of what we currently spend on military operations toward economic development, education, and infrastructure projects would be a better, more sustainable investment in Afghanistan's future than our current state of endless war. We should enlist our international partners to encourage a political settlement between the Afghan government and the Taliban that is sustainable and that protects U.S. interests. And we should redouble efforts to support the Afghan government and civil society as they work to promote the rule of law, combat corruption and the narcotics trade, and ensure the basic rights of all Afghans. 

Trade

1. Under what circumstances, if any, would you support the United States joining the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), formerly the Trans-Pacific Partnership?

- Our relationships in Asia are essential for U.S. national security and prosperity, and the countries at the heart of the CPTPP are some of America’s closest allies and best partners. My administration will be committed to working with them. 

But I have made clear that I will not enter into new trade agreements unless and until our potential partners meet certain preconditions that match our values and our policy goals - including combating climate change, respecting basic labor standards, and cracking down on tax evasion. I strongly opposed TPP because I thought it was a bad deal for American workers. As president, I will make sure that any new trade agreement we enter sets strong standards and prioritizes working families instead of the interests of giant multinational corporations with no particular allegiance or loyalty to America.  

President Trump’s recent trade war escalations are doing real harm to American consumers and farmers. We need a serious, coherent trade strategy that tackles the challenge of China’s commercial behavior and protects American workers and farmers. Instead of alienating our allies and others who share our concerns, my administration will work with those countries to use America’s leverage and all of the tools at our disposal to invest in workers, curtail the power of multinational monopolies, and raise standards across the globe.

China

How, if at all, should China’s treatment of the Uighurs and the situation in Hong Kong affect broader U.S. policy toward China?

- What we have seen in Hong Kong in recent months is a tribute to the ideals that our country should stand for. The people of Hong Kong are standing up to demand a voice in how they are governed, and their protests represent an organic movement by the people inspired by the ideals of democratic government. They deserve the support of the United States and the world. 

China’s actions in Xinjiang are a violation of international law and of basic human rights. I have supported efforts to respond strongly to these acts, including export controls on technology used for surveillance of China’s Muslim communities and targeted sanctions on those who are directly responsible for these policies of oppression. The United States should also mobilize the international community to hold China’s leadership accountable for its abuses. 

The next president will have an obligation to cooperate with China to advance some of our highest priority national interests, including addressing the climate crisis and non-proliferation, while at the same time handling tough issues where we have little common ground. But our values cannot be used as a bargaining chip. 

Iran

Would you rejoin the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)? What changes to the existing agreement, if any, would you require before agreeing to rejoin the accord?

- If Iran returns to compliance with its obligations under the nuclear deal, the United States should return as well. If Iran is not in compliance, I will pursue strong and principled diplomacy in concert with our allies to bring both the United States and Iran back into the deal.

The JCPOA is only the beginning. We will need to negotiate a follow-on to the agreement that continues to constrain Iran’s nuclear program past the “sunset” of some of its original terms. 

We also need to address serious concerns about Iran’s policies beyond its nuclear program, including its ballistic missile program and support for destabilizing regional proxies. The JCPOA made addressing these problems easier by taking the threat of a nuclear-armed Iran off the table. As predicted, President Trump’s reckless decision to withdraw from the agreement has clearly put us in a weaker position, and to make progress we will need to rebuild support from regional and international actors whose interests are also at stake. But with time and leverage, the damage can be undone and diplomacy can be successful again. 

North Korea

Would you sign an agreement with North Korea that entailed partial sanctions relief in exchange for some dismantling of its nuclear weapons program but not full denuclearization?

- Our goal should be the full elimination of North Korea’s nuclear weapons program. But while we work toward that goal, we must reduce the threat now. 

We need serious, realistic negotiations to address this threat. As a first step, and in coordination with our partners and allies, I would be prepared to consider partial, limited sanctions relief in return for a strong, verifiable agreement that keeps North Korea from expanding its arsenal or proliferating to other countries. An interim agreement would open the door to negotiations to reduce North Korea’s nuclear capabilities, control conventional weapons, and stop the regime’s crimes against humanity. That’s not only an imperative for our national security, it is the only credible path toward denuclearization.

Ukraine

What, if any, steps would you take to counter Russian aggression against Ukraine?

- By illegally annexing Ukrainian territory and fueling a war in eastern Ukraine, Russia has imperiled the vision of a Europe whole, free, and at peace that prevailed for nearly a quarter century. Our response must be centered on a durable strategy that strengthens the security of NATO allies threatened by a resurgent Russia, supports Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity, and holds Russia accountable while also deterring further reckless actions. 

Ukraine faces immense challenges that will require patient, long-term diplomacy and support from the West. We should start by shoring up relations with our EU partners in order to maintain the strongest possible diplomatic front, and by keeping pressure on the Kremlin to encourage changes in behavior. Ukraine must also get serious about sweeping reforms to root out corruption, which Russia exploits to undermine Ukrainian democracy. 

Ultimately, Ukraine and Russia will have to negotiate a peace, and my administration will focus on setting the conditions for productive talks.

Saudi Arabia

Given the assassination of Jamal Khashoggi and Saudi Arabia’s involvement in the civil war in Yemen, what changes, if any, would you make to U.S. policy toward Saudi Arabia?

- Saudi Arabia has increasingly pursued a regional and international agenda that does not align with U.S. interests. The Saudi-led war in Yemen exacerbates instability and extremism in the region and has resulted in the deaths of thousands of civilians. Saudi policies in Libya, Lebanon, and Egypt and its irresponsible conflict with Qatar undermine U.S. security. The Saudi government’s role in the brutal murder of Jamal Khashoggi and its repression of its own citizens insults all who respect human rights and calls into question its reliability as a partner. 

While the U.S. and Saudi Arabia will continue to share common objectives -- for example to prevent terrorism in the region -- it is time to reorient our policy in the region away from a reflexive embrace of the Saudi regime and toward one that focuses on U.S. interests. We must be crystal clear about our expectations if Saudi Arabia wants a real partnership. If the Saudi regime is unable or unwilling to meet those expectations, they can expect real consequences in terms of a more limited relationship moving forward.

Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

Do you support a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and, if so, how would you go about trying to achieve it?

- I believe in the worth and value of every Israeli and every Palestinian. The way we respect all parties is through a two-state solution - an outcome that’s good for U.S. interests, good for Israel's security and its future, and good for Palestinian aspirations for dignity and self-determination. To achieve this, there must be an end to the Israeli occupation and the creation of an independent and sovereign Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip living alongside Israel. 

As president, I would take immediate steps to reestablish America’s role as a credible mediator by welcoming the Palestinian General Delegation back to Washington and reopening an American mission to the Palestinians in Jerusalem. I would also make clear that in a two-state agreement both parties should have the option to locate their capitals in Jerusalem, as all previous serious plans have acknowledged. We should immediately resume aid to the Palestinians and financial support to UNRWA, and focus real financial and political resources on fixing the man-made humanitarian catastrophe in the Gaza Strip. I will oppose incitement to violence and support for terrorism by Palestinian extremists like Hamas. And I will make clear my unequivocal opposition to Israeli settlement activity and to any moves in the direction of annexation of the West Bank.

Venezuela

What, if any, additional steps should the United States take to remove Nicolás Maduro from power in Venezuela?

- Maduro is a dictator and a crook who has wrecked his country’s economy, dismantled its democratic institutions, and profited while his people suffer. The United States should lead the international community in addressing Venezuela’s humanitarian crisis and supporting regional efforts to negotiate a political transition, including free and fair elections as soon as possible. 

Success will require supporting negotiations between elements of the regime, opposition, and civil society, and identifying specific steps Maduro must take to ensure a credible democratic process and to immediately allow independent humanitarian assistance to enter the country. We must also press China, Russia, and Cuba to become constructive players in this crisis - and if they refuse, we must contain their damaging and destabilizing actions. 

Contrary to President Trump’s empty threats, there is no U.S. military option in Venezuela. Congress has not authorized it, the neighboring countries don’t want it, and it won’t solve the problem. Instead, the United States should prioritize support for regional partners in managing an influx of refugees that is unprecedented in the region's modern history, protect Venezuelans currently in the United States by offering them Temporary Protected Status, and empower the Venezuelan people to make their own choices.

Africa

By 2050, Africa will account for 25 percent of the world’s population according to projections by the United Nations. What are the implications of this demographic change for the United States, and how should we adjust our policies to anticipate them?

- Africa is made up of diverse countries with differing objectives and needs, and it makes little sense to think of them with a singular policy. My administration will treat the region as a priority rather than an afterthought. Achieving this requires fresh, innovative diplomacy that prioritizes engagement with civil societies as much as with governments. We should seize opportunities to promote transparent governance and more equitable, inclusive growth that supports a vibrant middle class -- including through efforts to tackle wealth concentration, kleptocracy, and corruption. This also means collaborating with regional and multilateral institutions that promote African ownership of growth and governance issues.

Rapid population growth in parts of Africa has the potential to exacerbate environmental and social stressors and has been seen to produce mass youth unemployment, impacting security and regional economies beyond the continent. Re-energized U.S. engagement can encourage alternative outcomes, where population increases instead usher in a period of strong, broad-based economic growth, open civic spaces, and propel nations toward better governance.

Climate

How would you discourage the proliferation of coal-fired power plants in developing countries?

- A reduction in global coal consumption and new coal-fired plants will only occur where there are economical alternatives available for these nations. 

The good news is that while there are still technical problems to solve in renewable generation and storage, solar and wind are generally cheaper than coal. Domestically, I have already set an ambitious target of achieving 100% clean, renewable, and zero-emission electricity by 2035. My Green Apollo Plan would provide $400 billion investment over ten years in clean energy research and development to help solve remaining technical challenges. And my Green Marshall Plan will allow us to lead the world in manufacturing and exporting green alternatives, including by providing $100 billion over ten years to assist countries to purchase and deploy American-made clean, renewable, and emission-free energy technology. To make it affordable, I’ll offer incentives to countries hardest hit by the climate crisis, or in exchange for countries making regulatory changes that will further reduce their greenhouse gas emissions.

At the same time, we need to work to end government subsidies for fossil fuels. While the main international development banks have stopped financing coal projects and many private banks are starting to do the same, some governments and state-owned enterprises are playing an increasing role in the financing of new coal power projects. The U.S. should not provide funds for international development projects focused on fossil fuel infrastructure. And under my trade plan, the United States would insist on the elimination of domestic fossil fuel subsidies as a precondition for any trade agreement we make. 

U.S. Foreign Policy

What has been the greatest foreign policy accomplishment of the United States since World War II? What has been the biggest mistake?

- No nuclear weapon has been used in battle since World War II. That is a remarkable accomplishment. It rests on creative, visionary, pragmatic diplomacy, on facts and expertise in arms control and non-proliferation, and on the alliances and structure of collective security developed after the war and refreshed after the Cold War. In a world where nuclear proliferation remains a serious threat, we must redouble our efforts in this area to ensure that the world remains safe from nuclear conflict.

Our repeated mistake has been to ignore the relationship between a strong and vibrant America and our effectiveness at advancing our interests abroad. By treating foreign policy as separate from domestic policy, we have repeatedly misspent our strength overseas while leaving vital needs at home unattended. We have the world’s largest economy, but have failed to pursue foreign policies that prioritize American workers. We have the world’s strongest military, but we fight too many wars. We must recognize that our strength abroad is generated here at home, and policies that undermine working families in this country also erode our strength in the world. 

Endorsements
Tripp Mills endorsed
Ashton Bennett endorsed
Speeches
Articles

The New York Times - Elizabeth Warren: To Fight the Pandemic, Here's My Must-Do List

Jul. 21, 2020

By Senator Elizabeth Warren Americans stayed at home and sacrificed for months to flatten the curve and prevent the spread of the coronavirus. That gave us time to take the steps needed to address the pandemic -- but President Trump squandered it, refusing to issue national stay-at-home guidelines, failing to set up a national testing operation and fumbling production of personal protective equipment. Now, Congress must again act as this continues to spiral out of control. Those who frame the debate as one of health versus economics are missing the point. It is not possible to fix the economy without first containing the virus. We need a bold, ambitious legislative response that does four things: brings the virus under control; gets our schools, child care centers, businesses, and state and local governments the resources they need; addresses the burdens on communities of color; and supports struggling families who don't know when the next paycheck will come. Here's what the next federal response must include: Start with funding the robust public health measures we know will work to address this crisis: ramped-up testing, a national contact-tracing program and supply-chain investments to resolve medical supply shortages. Without these measures, we will not be able to adequately reopen safely, more people will die and there will be no economic recovery. Our schools face enormous challenges, like figuring out whether and how to safely reopen, how to help students who fell further behind because of distance learning -- disproportionately students of color. The next legislative package should include at least $500 billion to stabilize state and local governments and at least $175 billion for our public schools to help them reopen safely, avoid teacher layoffs and provide the mental health and other services our children require. No one can reopen schools by just snapping fingers. No matter what Betsy DeVos says. Parents are drowning. Child care centers and schools are closed, yet essential workers are expected to still go to work each day, or night. Even parents who can work from home are expected to feed the baby and help their children learn while participating in Zoom calls. We cannot begin to have a recovery without affordable child care. The next relief package must include $50 billion in emergency support to keep child care providers in business now and make long-term investments so more families can find affordable, high-quality and safe care in the future. Rather than bullying businesses into reopening, then shielding them from liability when people inevitably get sick and die, let's instead make sure they have the resources necessary to put the health and security of their workers first, and enforceable safety standards set by OSHA. The Essential Workers Bill of Rights, which I proposed with Representative Ro Khanna, would include federal money for hazard pay, sick leave, family and medical leave, and enforceable health and safety protections for all essential workers. While the virus continues to rage, extended unemployment coverage is critical. Rather than set arbitrary expiration dates for unemployment insurance, let's tie those benefits to real-time economic data. Families would be better off and we'd be investing in a stronger economic recovery. The structural racism that has long existed in this country has caused the pandemic to hit Black and Latino neighborhoods and Indian Country especially hard. The next relief package must include Senate Democrats' proposal for at least $350 billion immediately invested in these communities. To avoid a tsunami that could put millions of people out on the street, Congress should extend and expand the national eviction moratorium, provide emergency rental assistance and increase funding for families experiencing homelessness. We should broadly cancel student loan debt so families don't have a student debt bomb waiting for them on the other side of this pandemic -- a burden that again falls disproportionately on students of color. Americans are generous, but if they're going to put up taxpayer money during this pandemic, we need strong anti-corruption protections like my CORE Act to make sure a bunch of Trump-connected businesses that can hire armies of lobbyists can't swoop up big chunks of relief funding. Our constituents are counting on us to deliver the relief they desperately need. The House passed a relief bill over two months ago. Now the Senate must act to contain the virus and to provide the funding so that our economy, our schools and our families can begin to recover. This is about saving lives and livelihoods -- and we don't have time to waste.

Univision - We Must Act Now to End the Devastating Impacts of Covid-19

Jul. 6, 2020

By Senator Elizabeth Warren When the big banks and mortgage companies crashed our economy in 2008, Wall Street CEOs got taxpayer bail-outs from the federal government, while working people got stuck with the bill. And for already vulnerable communities of color, the recession hit even worse. Latino communities were some of the hardest hit, with a Pew Research Center study finding that the median wealth of these households fell by 66% from 2005-2009. If the federal government doesn't act, the COVID-19 pandemic will have a similarly catastrophic and enduring effect on the Latino community. As we continue to learn more about COVID-19, new data is shedding light on the devastating and disproportionate impact of the coronavirus on communities of color, including Latino communities.This pandemic hasn't just exposed the disparities that exist for communities of color; it's making them worse. Recent data show s that Black and Latinx individuals are at higher risk for contracting the virus - not only because they are more likely to suffer from existing underlying conditions, but also due to structural injustices like the lack of health care, economic opportunities, and additional systemic racist policies that have plagued our country for generations. Latinx individuals are four times more likely to be hospitalized from COVID-19 than white individuals. And more than 60% of Latino households have lost income since March 13, and 50% anticipate losing employment income in the near future. Our response to COVID-19 must stop the virus dead in its tracks, address existing structural inequities, and ensure that Latino families' wellbeing aren't left out of the conversation. We can start by surging our testing capacity overall to slow the spread of the virus, putting in place my nationwide contact tracing plan to contain the virus, and mobilizing resources towards communities most deeply impacted, including Latino households. Latinx individuals are overrepresented in essential jobs - both nationally, and in Massachusetts, risking their health and their lives every day, without enforceable safety protections, to keep our country running. The next coronavirus relief package must include my Essential Workers Bill of Rights with Representative Ro Khanna to provide the full suite of protections, rights, and benefits essential workers need and deserve - and that's for every essential worker, from doctors, nurses, and home care workers to domestic workers, food service workers, farm workers, and child care workers. We need to act quickly to expand public programs to make health care free for those who are under or uninsured. Immigration status should not bar anyone from receiving COVID-19 testing, treatment, and vaccines, and the Coronavirus Immigrant Families Protection Act that I cosponsored would ensure that's the case. We should give direct relief to families by suspending consumer debt collections, cancelling student loan debt, and increasing social security and disability checks. Our child care system is in danger of collapse. We need a $50 billion bailout for child care providers, which is why I introduced the Child Care is Essential Act. Finally, we need to provide a lifeline for the small businesses that employ so many Americans, expediting assistance and guaranteeing that any qualified small business that needs help will receive it. A recent survey found that only 97 out of more than 500 Latino small-business owners who applied for a federal relief loan received one, while others "never heard back" on their applications. No family should lose their home, especially during a pandemic - but Latino renters are disproportionately likely to report having little to no confidence they can make their next housing payment. This week, I introduced legislation to extend the federal moratorium on evictions and expand it to cover substantially all renters, not just those living in properties with federally-backed mortgages. My bill will prohibit fees, fines, and extra charges due to nonpayment of rent. We also need to pass a $100 billion rental assistance fund, so families who have lost income and need help to cover a few months of rent are able to make those payments and maintain their housing when the moratorium expires. And this time around, we must ensure that taxpayer money goes to workers, families, and state, local and tribal governments - not toward rewarding corporate misbehavior and CEOs like it did in 2008. We have a chance to come back from this pandemic stronger than before - but only if we make the needed investments that lift up all of our communities. Latino families are still paying the price for those decisions made over a decade ago. Now America confronts a new crisis, one unlike anything we've faced in our lifetimes, that is once again hitting the Latino community hard. We need to act fast and boldly to survive this crisis. But as we do so, we must make certain that we center vulnerable communities and remediate historic injustices.

Elizabeth Warren out-raises Harris, Sanders — turning momentum into money

Jul. 8, 2019

BY JANET HOOK | LOS ANGELAS TIMES Democratic presidential candidate Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) speaks during the National Education Assn. Strong Public Schools Presidential Forum on Friday in Houston. (David J. Phillip / Associated Press) Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts raised $19.1 million for her 2020 presidential campaign in the last three months, more than tripling the amount she raised in the first quarter of 2019 — a strong showing of her ability to turn her campaign’s gathering momentum into more robust fundraising even as she forswears high-dollar donors. Warren was the last of the top 2020 Democratic hopefuls to reveal her fundraising total. She brought in less than the amount raised by Pete Buttigieg, the South Bend, Ind., mayor who looks to be the top fundraiser in the field with $24.8 million collected in the last three months, and former Vice President Joe Biden, who raised $21.5 million in a little less than three months. But Warren out-raised two other key rivals for the Democratic nomination: Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont, who raised $18 million and is competing with her for support from the party’s left wing; and Sen. Kamala Harris of California, who raised nearly $12 million and, like Warren, has been gaining momentum since the first Democratic candidate debates. The release of fundraising information from the second quarter, which ended June 30, and a recent spate of polling have helped clarify a top tier of Democratic candidates in the aftermath of the first round of debates two weeks ago. Biden’s strong showing in fundraising quelled concerns that his rusty political network might not be up to the demands of a 21st century campaign. But his dwindling edge in recent polls shows his front-runner status is fragile. Buttigieg, a newcomer, has proved himself a strong fundraiser, but that has not yet lifted him in the polls. Harris is in the opposite situation: Her poll standing has improved, but her fundraising has continued to lag. Meanwhile, Sanders’ donations remained unchanged and his polls have dropped, suggesting he is having a hard time reaching beyond his loyal base. Warren’s second-quarter report was keenly anticipated as a sign of whether her decision to forswear high-dollar fundraisers would make her financially noncompetitive. Only Sanders has made a similar pledge. For both candidates, the policy was in keeping with their central campaign message that monied special interests and the wealthy have too much power in the U.S. economic and political system. “You’re making it possible to build a presidential campaign without catering to wealthy donors,” Roger Lau, Warren’s campaign manager, said in an email to supporters announcing the new fundraising totals. Warren seems to be reaping the benefits of a policy-heavy campaign focus, which has given her a distinctive brand in a crowded field, consistent media attention and won her praise for campaigning on substance, not flash. Spending less time in high-dollar fundraisers, her aides say, has also left her free to spend more time in grassroots campaign events, sometimes surprising small donors with thank you calls. Warren has been under heavy pressure to improve her fundraising to cover the high cost of maintaining her big payroll. Her campaign staff has grown to more than 300, with 60% of it in Iowa and three other early-voting states. That is up from 160 in the first quarter. It gives her almost unmatched organizing strength, but also saddles the campaign with big costs. Her campaign said it ended the second quarter with $19.7 million in cash-on-hand, short of the $22.6 million the Buttigieg campaign said it had in the bank and the roughly $30 million the Sanders campaign says it has. Warren announced in February that she would not hold fundraisers, dinners or other special events for wealthy donors. That was a controversial decision because it cut her off from some of the more efficient ways of raising money in large chunks. Her finance director at the time, Michael Pratt, quit the campaign in part because of the decision. Her first-quarter fundraising -- just $6 million -- was lackluster and far below the sums raised by her competitors, including Sanders, who raised $18 million in the first three months. Biden and Buttigieg have not sworn off high-dollar fundraisers, and that has helped them top the field in donations. The Biden campaign, in announcing his total, noted that they had raised their money on a shorter timeline: He did not get into the race until three weeks into the quarter. But Warren’s smaller haul came from more donors: Her campaign said the $19.1 million came from 384,000 people. Buttigieg’s came from more than 294,000 donors; Biden’s, from more than 256,000. Harris said she had more than 279,000 donors. The fundraising reports are an important milestone in a long journey to the party’s nomination. One advantage to collecting money in smaller increments rather than in chunks of $2,800, the maximum allowed from an individual, is that small donors can give more than once and so are a renewable resource in a long campaign. Warren’s campaign said that her average donation size was $28, compared with the $49 average donation collected by Biden, $47.42 by Buttigieg and $39 by Harris. Only the Sanders campaign reported a smaller average donation than Warren's — $18. Harris has recently emerged as a stronger rival to Warren, matching and in some cases surpassing her in polls, as the two male front-runners -- Biden and Sanders -- have seen their polling leads narrow. Harris has been buoyed by her performance in the first round of debates, when she pointedly confronted Biden about his record on school busing and other racial issues. That catapulted her to new notoriety and led to an infusion of $2 million in online donations the day after the debate, her campaign said. Still, her contributions for the full quarter ended up being slightly less than the $12 million she collected in the first quarter, when she made a splashy entrance as one of the first candidates in the field.    

Events

2020

Apr. 20
Alma Adams Coffee with Elizabeth Warren

Mon 2:30 PM – 3:00 PM EDT

Facebook Live, Zoom

Mar. 10
Seattle Get Out the Vote Canvass with Team Warren

PST

Seattle, Washington Seattle, WA